Parte de:<\/span><\/p>\n \u00bfQu\u00e9 es la Filosof\u00eda Pol\u00edtica? \/ III. Las soluciones Modernas<\/span><\/p>\n Por Le\u014dnardus Str\u016bthi\u014d<\/span><\/p>\n <\/p>\n The difficulties to which German idealism was exposed gave rise to the third wave of modernity\u2014of the wave that bears us today. This last epoch was inaugurated by Nietzsche. Nietzsche retained what appeared to him to be the insight due to the historical consciousness of the <\/span>19th<\/span> century. But he rejected the view that the historical process is rational as well as the premise that a harmony between the genuine individual and the modern state is possible. He may be said to have returned, on the level of the historical consciousness, from Hegel\u2019<\/span>s <\/span>reconciliation to Rousseau\u2019<\/span>s <\/span>antinomy. <\/span>He<\/span> taught then that all human life and human thought ultimately rests on horizon-forming creations which are not susceptible of rational legitimization. The creators are great individuals.<\/span> The solitary creator who gives a new law unto himself and who subjects himself to all its rigors takes the place of Rousseau\u2019<\/span>s <\/span>solitary dreamer. For Nature has ceased to appear as lawful and merciful. The fundamental experi<\/span>e<\/span>nce of existence is therefore the experience, not of bliss, but of suffering, of emptiness, of an abyss. Nietzsche\u2019<\/span>s <\/span>creative call to creativity was addressed to individuals who should revolutionize their own lives, not to society or to his nation<\/span>. <\/span>But he expected or hoped that his call, at once stern and imploring, questioning and desirous to be questioned, would tempt the best men of the generations after him to become true selves and thus to form a new nobility which would be able to rule the planet. <\/span>He<\/span> opposed the possibility of a planetary aristocracy to the alleged necessity of a universal classless and stateless society.<\/span> Being certain of the tameness of modern western man, he preached the <\/span>sacred right of \u201cmerciless extinction\u201d of large masses of men with <\/span>as little restraint as his great antagonist had done. He used much of his unsurpassable and inexhaustible powe<\/span>r<\/span> of passionate and fascinating speech for making his readers loathe, not only socialism and communism, but conservatism, nationalism and democracy as well.<\/span> After having taken upon himself this great political responsibility, he could not show his readers a way toward political responsibility. He left them no choice except that between irresponsible indifference to politics and irresponsible political options. He thus prepared a regime which, as long as it lasted, made discredited democracy look again like the golden age. He <\/span>tried<\/span> to articulate his understanding both of the modern situation and of human life as such by his doctrine of the will to power.<\/span> The difficulty inherent in the philosophy of the will to power <\/span>led<\/span> after Nietzsche to the explicit renunciation of the very notion of eternity. Modern thought reaches its culmination, its highest self-consciousness, in the most radical historicism, <\/span>i.e.<\/span>, in explicitly condemning to oblivion the notion of eternity. For oblivion of eternity, or, in other words, estrangement from man\u2019s deepest desire and therewith from the primary issues, is the price which modern man had to pay, from the very beginning, for attempting to be absolutely sovereign, to become the master and owner of nature, to conquer chance.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n Previous paragraph<\/a><\/p>\n Las dificultades a las que se vio expuesto el idealismo alem\u00e1n dieron origen a la tercera ola de la modernidad, la que nos ha tra\u00eddo hasta hoy. Esta \u00faltima \u00e9poca fue inaugurada por Nietzsche. Nietzsche conserv\u00f3 lo que le parec\u00eda la intuici\u00f3n debida a la conciencia hist\u00f3rica del siglo XIX, pero rechaz\u00f3 la idea de que el proceso hist\u00f3rico es racional, as\u00ed como la premisa de que es posible una armon\u00eda entre el <\/span><\/span>aut\u00e9ntico <\/span><\/span>individuo y el Estado moderno.<\/span><\/span> Podr\u00edamos decir de <\/span><\/span>Nietzsche qu<\/span><\/span>e, en el nivel de la conciencia hist\u00f3rica, <\/span><\/span>efectu\u00f3 un retorno <\/span><\/span>de la reconciliaci\u00f3n de Hegel a la antinomia de Rousseau. <\/span><\/span>Por ello, proclam\u00f3 que toda la vida humana y todo el pensamiento humano descansan en \u00faltimo t\u00e9rmino en unos marcos de referencia creados que no son susceptibles de legitimaci\u00f3n racional. <\/span><\/span>Los creadores de estos <\/span><\/span>marcos<\/span><\/span> de referencia son individuos <\/span><\/span>eminentes<\/span><\/span>. El creador solitario que <\/span><\/span>plasma<\/span><\/span> u<\/span><\/span>na nueva ley y se somete <\/span><\/span>\u00e9l mismo<\/span><\/span> a todos sus rigores ocupa el lugar del so\u00f1ador solitario de Rousseau <\/span><\/span>X*X.1<\/a><\/sup>Se refiere, en tono de sorna, a las reflexiones del \u00faltimo Rousseau, en su inacabado texto Les R\u00e8veries du promeneur solitaire<\/em> (\u00abLas enso\u00f1aciones del paseante solitario\u00bb). En ellas, a trav\u00e9s de sus observaciones en paseos, presenta nuevas elaboraciones de sus argumentos en educaci\u00f3n y filosof\u00eda pol\u00edtica. Finaliza el ciclo de obras autobiogr\u00e1ficas que el autor escribi\u00f3 al final de su vida, tales como sus\u00a0Confesiones<\/em> y\u00a0Di\u00e1logos: Rousseau juez de Jean-Jaques<\/em>. El lector en castellano puede disponer de la traducci\u00f3n de Mauro Armi\u00f1o:\u00a0Las enso\u00f1aciones del paseante solitario<\/em> (Madrid: Alianza, 2016; 1.\u00aa ed. 1979).<\/span> Pue<\/span><\/span><\/span>s la Naturaleza ha dejado de aparecer como legal y misericordiosa. La experiencia fundamental de la existencia no es, pues, la experiencia de la felicidad, sino del sufrimiento, del vac\u00edo, del abismo. La llamada creadora de Nietzsche se dirig\u00eda a individuos que deb\u00edan revolucionar sus propias vidas, no a la sociedad ni a su naci\u00f3n. <\/span><\/span>Seg\u00fan sus expectativas o sus deseos, este llamamiento<\/span><\/span>, a la vez severo e implorante, interrogador y deseoso de ser interrogado, tentar\u00eda a los mejores hombres de las generaciones <\/span><\/span>venideras<\/span><\/span> a convertirse en <\/span><\/span>individuos aut\u00e9nticos <\/span><\/span>\u2014<\/span><\/span>\u00ab<\/span><\/span>verdaderos \u2018<\/span><\/span>y<\/i><\/span><\/span>oes<\/i><\/span><\/span>\u2019<\/span><\/span>\u00bb, <\/span><\/span>coincidentes consigo mismos<\/span><\/span>\u2014 y formar as\u00ed una nueva nobleza capaz de gobernar el planeta. Opon\u00eda la posibilidad de una aristocracia planetaria a la supuesta necesidad de una sociedad universal sin clases y sin Estado. Convencido de la <\/span><\/span>insustancialidad<\/span><\/span> del hombre occidental moderno, predicaba el sagrado derecho a la <\/span><\/span>\u00ab<\/span><\/span>extinci\u00f3n despiadada<\/span><\/span>\u00bb<\/span><\/span> de grandes masas de hombres con tan poca moderaci\u00f3n como lo hab\u00eda hecho su gran antagonista. Nietzsche emple\u00f3 gran parte de su insuperable e inagotable <\/span><\/span>potencia discursiva en un<\/span><\/span> apasionado y fascinante <\/span><\/span>esfuerzo<\/span><\/span> para hacer que sus lectores aborrecieran no s\u00f3lo el socialismo y el comunismo, sino tambi\u00e9n el conservadurismo, el nacionalismo y la democracia. <\/span><\/span>Pero, tras haberse impuesto a s\u00ed mismo esta gran responsabilidad pol\u00edtica,<\/span><\/span> no pudo mostrar a sus lectores un camino hacia la responsabilidad pol\u00edtica. No les dej\u00f3 otra opci\u00f3n que la de la indiferencia irresponsable hacia la pol\u00edtica y las opciones pol\u00edticas irresponsables. De este modo prepar\u00f3 un r\u00e9gimen que, mientras dur\u00f3, hizo que la democracia desacreditada pareciera nuevamente la edad de oro. Trat\u00f3 de articular su comprensi\u00f3n tanto de la situaci\u00f3n moderna como de la vida humana como tal <\/span><\/span>en <\/span><\/span>su doctrina de la voluntad de poder. La dificultad inherente a la filosof\u00eda de la voluntad de poder condujo, despu\u00e9s de Nietzsche, a la renuncia expl\u00edcita a la noci\u00f3n misma de eternidad. El pensamiento moderno alcanza su culminaci\u00f3n, su autoconciencia m\u00e1s alta, en el historicismo m\u00e1s radical, es decir, en la condena expl\u00edcita al olvido de la noci\u00f3n de eternidad. Porque el olvido de la eternidad, o, en otras palabras, el alejamiento del deseo m\u00e1s profundo del hombre y, con \u00e9l, de sus cuestiones primarias, es el precio que el hombre moderno tuvo que pagar, desde el principio, por querer ser absolutamente soberano, por convertirse en due\u00f1o y amo de la naturaleza, por conquistar el azar <\/span><\/span>\u2014<\/span><\/span>vencer a la Fortuna<\/span><\/span>.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n P\u00e1rrafo anterior<\/a><\/p>\n Ir al inicio de esta entrada<\/a><\/p>\nLe<\/span>\u014d<\/span>nard<\/span>\u012b<\/span> Str\u016bt<\/span>h<\/span>i<\/span>\u012b<\/span> verba<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/h1>\n
Hisp<\/span>\u0101<\/span>nice<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/h1>\n